Critical Race Theory Allies Series | Born From a Snag in The Tapestry

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The history of the world is, at first, a backdrop providing for the inception of what becomes the new history of the world.  The humble origins of the Critical Race Theory (CRT) Allies and the power that gave rise to their kingdom may be attributed to an almost off-hand remark by a former president.  The perversion of the phrase “affirmative action” would go on to become almost as big a travesty of justice as the assassination of President John F. Kennedy itself, and its resulting cover up.  The assassination would rob the nation of its sovereignty.  The resulting perversion of Affirmative Action programs would go on to rob Americans of their Constitutionally protected rights, preclude meritorious advancement, and elevate mediocrity in all branches of government.  It would grow nearly unchecked for seventy years until a Supreme Court ruling in 2023 finding racial preferences in college admissions unconstitutional.

In the meantime, the assassination of Kennedy would immediately pave the way for over 3 million Americans to go to war in Vietnam.  To make the world safe for democracy, over 480,000 of them would be in some fashion disabled, and 58,000 American men would be killed.  In terms of dollars, not counting annual disability and dependent care (at $22 Billion per year), the war would cost $1 Trillion dollars ($168 Billion, adjusted for inflation).   Defense contractors would sell nearly 12,000 helicopters alone to the Defense Department.  America would lose the war in Vietnam, but defense contractors would become big winners.  The war would last for 10 years.

There is the saying that goes something like this: ‘All presidents knew Vietnam couldn’t be won, but none wanted to be the president to lose it.’  It is used to explain why the losing lasted so long.  It’s good prose penned from afar, but history has revealed Kennedy both knew it couldn’t be won, and acted to end America’s involvement in the war by the middle of his second term in office.

In October 1963, unknown to the public, Kennedy approved National Security Action Memorandum Number 263 (NSAM-263) containing the plans for a complete withdrawal of US Military forces in stages to be completed sometime in 1965.  He had requested the plans be drawn up by Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Maxwell Taylor in September.  The Defense Secretary, meeting with advisors from the military and the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), drew up the plans in Hawaii.  On November 22, the president was assassinated.

The White House had previously released a public statement in October of the intention to withdrawal 1,000 troops by year’s end, but because what passed for diplomacy was still ongoing to tie up loose ends with the corrupt government of South Vietnam, the full plan of NSAM-263 had not yet been made public.  So, the president’s death had taken place at a most fortuitous time, and with tremendous opportunity, for the Military Industrial Complex (MIC); players in the defense industry, their cohorts in the military, and assorted ‘intelligence’ advisors.

The fact that NSAM-263 had not been previously been disclosed to the public was a key in a lock that turned both ways.  It depended on who really did the turning.  On the one hand, President Lyndon B. Johnson could have continued with the plan’s extraction of American forces from Vietnam, with the wind under those sails provided by the popularity of his beloved predecessor, and respect of his last wishes.  He would have allies in the military, and a good sampling of public support in doing so.  On the other hand, withdrawing the troops would make Johnson appear soft on Communism, which would be unpopular with many voters, and estrange large contingents of the military’s top brass.

This was all in light of his designs to become president in his own right in the future, and in a world where he would always need the support of the Pentagon.  For the time being, however, Johnson was pressed to obtain his own personal assessment of the intelligence community.

Two hours after the assassination, Vice President Johnson was sworn in as President of the United States on Air Force One with Jacqueline Kennedy by his side.  The Secret Service, worried a bigger plot might be unfolding, urged him to leave Dallas immediately, but he wouldn’t abandon Jacqueline.  He now flew to Washington DC with the president’s body, and he had to think.  The young, handsome, and charismatic war hero president, representing the vitality and promise of a new American era, had, in modern times, been assassinated.  This, while ostensibly under the protection of the CIA, FBI, and the Secret Service.  Who, or what, had not only the audacity, but the motive, and also the power to construct the means to take advantage of the opportunity?

Johnson had always been the power brokering politician who knew where important people were, how they got there, and why they were there.  There would have been little doubt in Johnson’s mind, especially in retrospect, about the poorly chosen route, and minimally protected motorcade he rode in through Dealey Plaza in Dallas, Texas.

Only two cars behind Kennedy, Johnson’s Secret Service protector shoved him to the floorboard and fell over him, shielding him with his body.  The motorcade itself, violating Secret Service rate-of-speed and turn radius rules, proceeded slowly under tall buildings, none of which had all their windows closed and secured.  As shots rang out, the President himself would have been unable duck or fall forward as he was constrained by a back brace he’d been wearing for a preexisting back injury.  Only a few would have known that. Earlier, as the limousines were departing from the airport, space in the entourage for one of the President’s protectors appeared to have gone unaccounted for, as he aborted trying to board the moving car in frustration. Further, the usual detachment of military security that would have been positioned throughout the crowd and in observation posts for such a presidential parade had suspiciously gone unrequested, being told to stand down.

Indeed, as these peculiarities came to light, and were matched along with Johnson’s legendary prowess, and what he stood to gain, some (including even the Russian KGB) speculated he himself had a part in orchestrating the assassination.

Clearly, Johnson had a pressing motive for assessing the landscape for responsible parties.  Also, the Secret Service might be right, and his own safety could be in jeopardy.  Four villains would have stood out for Johnson to mentally prosecute for a conviction.  By order of business, however, the FBI would come first.

After the Secret Service, Johnson would be in communication with the FBI.  In discounting the FBI in the Kennedy assassination, Johnson would have planned for a series of ‘exploratory’ conversations with FBI Director, J. Edgar Hoover.  The tone would be to obtain assurances no other assassination plans were afoot, but also to satisfy himself there was no FBI involvement.

It must be remembered that at the time, Hoover’s FBI was the most powerful clandestine law enforcement organization on earth with files containing nearly everything on nearly everyone; including files containing sound recordings, and film.  The FBI wasn’t only feared by gangsters.  To articulate the powerful reach of Hoover, then Vice President Johnson had confided over drinks with a few reporters that: “J. Edgar Hoover has Jack Kennedy by the balls.”1  Indeed, warnings about the far reaching and unethical practices of Hoover came from as far back as President Harry S. Truman, who had penned a warning the FBI was resembling a Gestapo secret police force; keeping files on sex scandals, and engaging in blackmail.  He wrote that “Hoover would give his right eye to take over, and all congressmen and senators are afraid of him.”2

The descriptions of Hoover’s authoritarian and ruthless character weren’t purely hyperbole.  In examining Hoover’s life after his death, some in the field of psychology and psychiatry observed several personality disorders along with sexual torment stemming from his homosexual desires.  They opined that his heavy-handed behavior of chronicling and squeezing the secret defects in others for punishment was a psychological compensator whereby he could vicariously obliterate his own flaws, and assuaged his paranoia of exposure of his own deviant proclivities. 

One Lee Harvey Oswald was arrested in Dallas hours after the assassination, but did he act alone?  In conversations with Hoover, Johnson would no doubt plan to use his talent as best he could to gauge any pattern in Hoover’s physiological reactions to determine culpability.  Even for Johnson, it would not be easy.  He would almost immediately, however, satisfy himself with Bureau’s innocence.  His assessment resulted not only from his preponderance of the other candidates, but also from one astounding phone conversation that took place at the White House, one day after Kennedy’s death.

It would be logged as Telephone Conversation Sound Recording, number Seven, November 23, 1963, between LBJ and J. Edgar Hoover, at 10:01 a.m.  Although subsequently erased by an actor or actors unknown, a transcript of the call survived and surfaced in a National Archives documents release in 2017.  In the call, Hoover informs Johnson of the existence of a second Oswald.

The FBI had obtained a photograph and a sound recording of Oswald at a visit to the Soviet Embassy in Mexico City.  The narrative rapidly developing was that he was supposed to be a communist radical who assassinated the president for political reasons.  The problem was that the man in the photo and on the sound recording did not look like nor sound like Oswald.  Hoover reiterated to Johnson that the Oswald, then still alive and in custody, denies everything.  “He doesn’t know anything about anything but the gun thing, of course, is a definite trend,”3 meaning the rifle had a paper trail to Oswald, and was found at the scene.  If Hoover’s FBI were the culprit, there would be little chance of him revealing what could be inside conspiracy details of an FBI operation with multiple, elaborate actors. 

In fairly short order, Johnson had been able to determine that it wasn’t an FBI conspiracy, or a lone gunman that was responsible for Kennedy’s assassination.  There could be but two more candidates the fit the requirements of the crime.  Because of the shattering implications of a CIA organized coup, Johnson would probably look first into the Mafia.

References: op. cit.

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